Band-e-Amir, the world-famous group of lakes in Bamyan, Central Hazaristan.

Bamyan is the most peaceful province of the insurgency-hit Afghanistan. Its located in the Central Hazarajat Region. At the altitude of about 9200 feet. Bamyan has the giant Buddhas of Bamyan, the ancient city of Zuhak, the world-famous group of lakes called Band-e-Amir and much more. Its the most wonderful place for tourists in Afghanistan.

Band-e-Amir, the world-famous group of lakes in Bamyan, Central Hazaristan.

Bashardost in 3rd position from majority polling stations across the country.

Kabul: According to initial results received from majority polling stations across the country, Mr. Karzai is leading with a higher margin of difference with Abdullah Abdullah, his top rival. Ramazan Bashardost is on third position. His majority votes come from Bamyan, Daikunid, West Kabul, Ghazni, Maidan Wardak, Mazar and Herat.

Its expected Bashardost will receive between 12 to 15 percent of total votes.

In capital Kabul, Hazara residing areas of West Kabul and other parts of the city witnessed very high turnout, queues seen in polling stations till the last minutes of voting. Similiarly, a the highest women turnout in the country was observed in Bamyan and West Kabul. In majority provinces Mr. Bashardost is in third position. Results are comming…

Hazara girls presenting a traditional song on 52nd Imamat Day.

Kabul 11 July 09: The Hazara Ismailis celebrated the 52nd Imamat Day of Hazir Imam with religious festivity. The event in Kabul was held in the Central Jamatkhana, Taimani attended by thousands. Different traditional items were organized.

The other major celebration event was held in Central Hazaristan–Bamyan.

Male and females of all ages were wearing traditional clothes. Hazara elders and women participated in large number. Speakers, religious leaders highlighted life of His Highness the Agha Khan.

The Imamat Day is the 52nd anniversary of Hazar Imam’s accession to the Ismaili Imamat. Hazaristan Times warmly wishes Mubarak Imamat Day to its Hazara readers of Ismaili faith.

Approximately 95% of Afghanistan’s Ismaili population consists of Hazaras. The Aga Khan Foundation, the global humanitarian organization is the most active non-government organization in Hazaristan working to improve quality of life.

Hazara Ismailis celebrating the 52nd Imamat Day in Kabul and Central Hazaristan.

Approximately 5,000 men and women of all ages, wearing festive clothes, attended the celebrations held at the Ismaili Jama’at Khana in Taimani.

Other attendees included Ismaili elders and spiritual leaders. A number of high-ranking government officials and members of Parliament from various ethnic groups were also in attendance.

Participants gave speeches about Prince Karim Agha Khan and the Ismaili faith.

Approximately 90% of Afghanistan’s Ismaili population consists of Hazaras. Prince Karim Aga Khan, the 49th Ismaili Imam, is the current spiritual leader of the Ismaili Shias.

The Aga Khan Foundation, the global Ismaili humanitarian organization, actively works in Hazaristan and other areas in Afghanistan to improve the people’s quality of life.

Around 70,000 supporters of Hizb Wahdat and Junbish Milli held the largest political rally in the history of Mazar city.

Mazar–A grand public gathering of around 70,000 supporters of Hizb-e-Wahdat and Junbish e Milli was held in Ali’s Shrine (Blue Mosque) of Mazar-e-Sharif on Friday. Hazara and Uzbek supporters pledged to vote for Karzai. The rally—the largest in the history of Mazar city–was attended by the members of parliament and leaders of Wahdat and Junbish, Haji Muhammad Mohaqiq, a Hazara politician and Noorullah Sadaat, a Uzbek leader of Junbish. The enthusiastic participation of people in the electoral rally was historic.

Haji Mohaqiq urged the masses to vote for Karzai saying he is the most suitable candidate among other contenders for the office of Presidency. Noorullah Sadaat also urged the people of Mazar city to cast their votes to Karzai. He said, “comparing all the presidential candidates, Karzai is the best.”

Just minutes before the leaders of the said parties come for address, police arrested two suicide bombers from near the rally. Two others reportedly escaped. Tight security was chalked out with heavy police deployment in and around the Shrine.  Police sources say security measures have been steered up as the election campaigns are gaining momentum.

Wahdat and Junbish parties had announced an alliance last month. Majority supporters of both the parties are Hazaras and Uzbeks, two of the largest ethnic groups of Afghanistan.

In a joint press conference in April 2009, leaders of both parties said they would support a joint candidate for the presidency. Later they made an understanding with Karzai for their demands. Leaders of the parties, Haji Mohaqiq of Wahdat secured 11.7% of total votes in the last presidential election when he was a candidate. While, General Dostum got 10% of the total votes in 2004 presidential elections.

Around 70,000 supporters of Hizb-e-Wahdat and Junbish-e-Milli held a rally in Mazar city.

Leader of Hizb-e-Wahdat, Mr. Muhaqiq addressing the rally.

People were holding pictures of Muhaqiq and General Dostum.

Mr. Muhaqiq addressing the masses.

The rally was the largest in history of Mazar city.

Hazaras and Uzbeks held the largest rally in Mazar.

Supporters pledged to vote Karzai.

Noorullah Sadaat of Junbish addressing the rally.

Muhaqiq addressing the people.

This guest post and the views expressed in it are solely of the author. You can contribute by sending your writings to Hazaristan.times@gmail.com

From “A Hazara’s Diary”

The title is borrowed from living legend Bob Dylan’s famed song written in October 1963, which depicted the change taking place in the American society with the African-American Civil Rights Movement and the opposition to the Vietnam War at its peak in the US. The song tried to relay to the establishment to wake up and accept the change as the will of people cannot be ignored and subdued. Although Bob wrote this song in the 1960’s but the message behind is ever green and can apply to all times and eras; where a people wake up and realize their true potential and march towards their destiny. These days if one listens really hard, one can hear the song reverberating in the plains and mountains, the valleys and steppes, the cities and villages of Afghanistan, where a change is brewing and has the potential to shift the tectonic plates of the country’s socio-political landscape.

A Hazara political-cultural-social renaissance is in the making!

Now how can we give credence to the statement above? – some will label it as emotional sloganeering and others might just think that it is an optimists dream; but this can be proved with ample evidence. In order to grasp the magnitude of change we must go through the bygone eras as this will help us put things in perspective. To understand this better we will take a journey which will take us from the peaceful days (before 1880) to one tyrant’s (Abd al-Rahman) rule, then to the other tyrant’s (Nadir Shah) rule and then fast forward to the current day scenario where the Hazaras have become a potent force in the political sphere.

The days of Peace(before 1880):

In the 19^th Century; the Hazara community was based on the landed class-peasant class model; more of a feudalistic society. The landowners were given the titles of ‘Mir’, ‘Khan’ and ‘Sultans’.  The relationship between the land owners and ruled social classes were based on the ownership of the means of production (livestock, land and water). Political and military power remained an exclusive monopoly of the Hazara nobility. Hazara chiefs had their own private armies and regular armed men. The chiefs collected taxes from the peasantry with the aid of their paramilitary followers. The supremacy of the chiefs had been legitimized by the clerics who issued religious edicts in their favor. Most clerics were on the payroll of Hazaras chiefs and later became owners of endowed land and received religious taxes. Clerics also occupied important administrative posts and presided over judicial and legal matters.

Hazaristan’s affairs were run exclusively by the Hazara nobility and therefore had autonomy. The relations between Hazaras ruling class and Afghan monarchies were based on the principle of mutual cooperation. The Mir was expected to pay annual taxes to the king and to ensure the security of the trade routes within his territories. He was also required to send a member of his family to lead a group of armed men to serve the king in terms of war and social crises. The king reciprocated by granting Hazara chiefs the right to exercise political power in their respective regions.

Learning from this era:

1)      The Hazaras had autonomy in their region and because of this autonomy there was peace amongst the ethnic nations of the country.

2)      The trade routes passed through Hazaristan – as it is in the centre of the country and commercially it makes sense to take the shortest route for trading. The same applies today; but the Pushtun establishment has as a policy bypassed Hazaristan by depriving it of a decent infrastructure which could support trading and transportation.

3)      The clergy even back then were used as a tool to control the masses by the ruling class – this trend is even prevalent today where we see that the masses are divided along sectarian lines to ensure that the ruling elite’s position is secured.

Curse of Abd al-Rahman (1880-1901):

Hazaras lost their autonomy when the British-backed Abd al-Rehman (1880-1901) defeated the Hazara tribes one by one; primarily due the British fire power on his side. Eventually the entire Hazarajat was occupied and forcibly incorporated into the Afghan state in 1893.  To protect its interests in the Indian-subcontinent the British worked to establish a strong central government in Kabul. For this reason they supported Abd al-Rahman in the subjugation of national communities throughout the country.  To mobilize public opinion in support of his war on Hazaras Abd al-Rehman encouraged religious leaders to travel to the villages and entice people into a jihad (religious war) against Hazaras. Hazaras did not want to become an easy prey for Abd al-Rehman’s mercenary army and like other national communities; they were willing to help enemies of the Kabul rulers. Since their defeat in 1893, Hazaras have been enslaved and subjected to state sponsored discrimination and oppression.

Abd al-Rahman partitioned Hazarjat into three provinces; Kabul, Bamiyan and Qandahar. In so doing, his main objective was to eliminate once and for all the Hazara’s sense of unity and independence and to create divisions within the Hazara nation. By suppressing Hazaras, Abd al-Rahman intended to teach a lesson to other ethnic communities that they will experience a similar fate if they attempt to rebel against his rule.

Abd al-Rahman used to remind his subjects that they should be thankful to him as he enslaved the Hazaras otherwise, they would have had to work like Donkey’s if it were not for the enslaved Hazaras”. There was also a forcible conversion from Shiasm to Sunnism and as a result of this oppression many Hazaras fled to British India, Russia and Iran.

Learning from this era:

1)      Clergymen were again used by the sitting monarch to further tighten his grip on the people – this is still happening in the country where extremist Mullahs are pleased and used to gather support.

2)      Hazaristan was divided into different administrative regions to ensure that the unity amongst the Hazaras is broken. This trend has not been reversed and Hazara dominated areas are still demarcated in such a manner that the unity and strength of the Hazaras is not reflected. As a result of this unfair demarcation, the votes of the Hazaras are wasted as they are casted in Pushtun dominated areas.

Post-independence Era (1901-1929):

Ammanullah was a protagonist of bourgeois development and tried to modernize Afghanistan based on European model of development. In 1923 he introduced a new constitution, which abolished slavery and granted equality to every citizen of the country. Amanullah was overthrown by British supported Habibullah in 1929. Hazaras supported Amanullah and fought to restore him to the throne. After nine months General Nadir Shah defeated and executed Habibullah Kalkani a.k.a Bache Saqaw. General Nadir Shah although promised to restore Amanullah to the throne but did otherwise and declared himself the king.

Nadir’s government appointed Pushtun administrators to Hazaristan and tried to build Pushtun nationalism by promoting Pushtu language and popularizing its culture in Hazarjat while simultaneously condemning Hazara culture and history. Nadir’s brutal reign was brought to an end when he was assassinated by Abdul Khaliq Hazara to avenge the decades of oppression on the Hazaras by Nadir Shah and his fore fathers.

Abdul Khaliq Hazara by assassinating a sitting tyrant monarch has immortalized himself amongst the Hazaras and other oppressed nations. He is a celebrated hero amongst the Hazaras who see him as a liberator and who showed the Pushtun establishment that even after utilizing every single method to subjugate the Hazaras from genocide to slavery, from state discrimination to annihilating the Hazargi identity; the fascist elitist Pushtun establishment has failed miserably in its nefarious designs.

Learning from this era:

1)      The Pushtun dominated establishment systematically tried to destroy Hazaragi identity and culture by promoting Pushtunisation of Hazaristan.  This trend even continues today where we see that Hazaras and other ethnic groups like Uzbeks and Turkomen have virtually no significant presence in the affairs of the state.

2)      The assassination of a Nadir Shah by Abdul Khaliq Hazara shows that even though the Hazaras were suppressed by the state even then they did not give up and kept fighting for their survival as they have a fighter’s souls in them. Even today, despite of being neglected for over a hundred years the Hazaras are trying rigorously to catch up in all fields to compete with other ethnic groups.

From King’s subjects to King Makers!

The journey from pre 1880 to 1929; basically showed how the Hazaras went from being an independent, autonomous peace loving people to an oppressed people by the Pushtun establishment primarily due to the interference and support of the British. It is amazing to see how the Hazaras have bounced back from the oblivion back into the political spotlight against all odds. This simply goes to show the resilient genes and never-say-die attitude of the Hazaras.

The elections are scheduled to take place on 20^th August and with each passing day the campaign fever is gripping the country. This year’s election will not bring any new face at the top of the power pyramid in Afghanistan as Hamid Karzai (against America’s wishes) is all set to retain his position for another term in the office. It’s noteworthy to investigate deeper what is ensuring Karzai’s electoral victory.

If we look at the ethnic mix of the country following figures will be a good estimation (as no updated census data is available and previous population censuses are all controversial):

• Pushtun 35-38%
• Tajik 30-35%
• Hazaras 20-25%
• Uzbek 10-15%
• Others 5-10%

Pushtuns and Tajiks have been the traditional elite of the country with a large representation in both the bureaucracy and military and they have been rivals as well. Pushtuns, of course have always been controlling Kabul with the exceptions of Habibullah Saqaw and Burhanuddin’s short stints.  This Pushtun and Tajik rivalry is personified in the modern day in the shape of Karzai vs. Abdullah’s campaigns for the presidential election 2009. The numerical strength of Pushtun and Tajiks neutralize each other out (35% vs. 30%) in the ballot paper and this means that the winning candidate will have to have the support of the third largest group; Hazaras

This mathematical equation; places the Hazaras in a very formidable position. This position of strength of the Hazaras is further boosted by the Wahdat-Junbish(WJ) alliance which basically makes this duo the King Maker of Afghanistan’s political chess board. Karzai being a shrewd politician has realized the fact that he cannot win without the support of Hazaras and Uzbeks and this is the reason he had invited them for talks and accepted their demands. It is very important to note here that the Hazaras and Uzbeks will be a potent force only till they are united – the day when these two camps part ways their political power will vanish. If the deal goes through without any hiccups and both sides keep their part of the bargain then Karzai gets to keep his position as president and the Hazaras and Uzbeks will get on a road which ensures to give them their rightful place amongst the other groups of Afghanistan.

If we gather all the learnings mentioned above in each era; we will come to realize that the central government is still using the ages old policies to control other ethnic groups of the country which include:

Previous Regimes brutal policies	Current practice	Change demanded by the people
-    Economic Blockade	The previous regimes did not allow any economic activity to prevail in the areas of other ethnic groups and as a result; Hazaristan is deprived of infrastructure and industries which is required to uplift the living standards of the populace	Wahdat-Junbush(WJ) list of demands include that a proper transportation network is established throughout Hazaristan and once this is completed then economic activity will pick up.
-          Corrupt Clergies	All the regimes since the past hundred years have been using religion as a tool to cement their grip on the people. The government can force corrupt clergy in issuing fatwas by bribing them so that the religious policies support them.	As both Wahdat and Junbish are nationalist-secular parties they oppose the role of mullah in running the affairs of the state. As the WJ alliance gets stronger the grip of the clergy will be loosened and they will not be able to exploit the people in the name of religion any more.
-          Culture wars	One of the main weapons of the Pushtun dominate establishment has been a systematic state sponsored process of ‘Pushtunisation’ of other nations; be it Hazaras, Uzbeks, Turkomen or Tajiks.	One of the main demands of WJ alliance is to demand promotion of Hazaragi and Uzbek language and culture by the state. Once this program is initiated the Hazaras and Uzbeks will get their most revered treasure back; their cultural identity.
-    Administrative Ploys	All previous regimes have used their administrative authority to forge national statistics in population census and also demarcate boundaries of provinces in such a manner which favors the Pushtuns.	The WJ alliance has also demanded that the state recognizes the actual numerical strength of Hazaras (25%) and Uzbeks (15%) and also they have demanded additional provinces with Hazara and Uzbek majority areas which are currently merged with Pushtun dominated areas.

The Hazara-Uzbek (40% of population) bloc has become the largest vote bank in the country and by supporting a particular candidate they can ensure his/her victory even before the elections. By supporting Karzai, and pushing their charter of demands the WJ alliance has changed the political fault lines of the country forever. This strength has come through the democratic process; which ensures equality and justice for all.

The journey from being ethnic minorities to king makers of the country has been a long and an arduous one for the Hazaras but one thing is for certain that they are here to stay as long as democracy is given a chance in the country and the world will realize that ‘The Times They Are A-Changing’ in Afghanistan!

The political reawakening of the Hazaras is leading to a social and cultural re-awakening…the next part of the article will be dedicated to what the role of the Hazaras and the Hazara Diaspora can be to act as catalysts for this change.

• Help has been taken from the book ‘Afghanistan’s Internal Security Threats’ by Musa Khan Jalalzai for the three eras mentioned in the beginning

Cave dwellers of Bamyan (Photos Abbas)

Bamyan Series —                       Bamyan Series 1

Bamyan Series 2 —                      Bamyan Series 3

Bamyan Series 4 —                      Bamyan Series 5

There are about 3000 caves around the giant Buddha statues on the mountain cliff in Bamyan. Centuries ago, Buddhist monks used to live in these caves, whenever they traveled the valley. The visiting monks used to stay there at nights during pilgrimage to the sacred Buddha statues for temporary periods. Evidences prove Budhist monks lived in these caves till seventh century.

Today there are over 300 families currently in these caves living a life of stone-age. Most of these families are victims of Taliban brutality, whose houses and belongings were burnt down.  Some are survivors of Afshar Massacre of 1993.

Chaman Ali, 50, lives in caves since last 8 years.

Chaman Ali, 65, with his eight children lives in the caves near the Buddha statues since last eight years. His elder brother and son were killed by Taliban. Talking about it he says, “When they (Taliban) killed my brother and son, they arrested me. I was injured with a bullet on my hips. They put me in prison for over a month without food and water.”

This is not only the story of cave dwellers, but of almost every family in Bamyan. Human Rights Watch says war crimes of Taliban in Bamyan were the worst by them. Thousands were massacred. Local population of Bamyan Center had fled to nearby mountains of Koh-e-Baba.

Most of these war-affected cave dwellers earn a livelihood through daily wages laboring on agricultural lands or constructions. Chaman Ali can not work. His son from second wife–widow of his brother who was killed by Taliban–works in Ghazni Province with a transportation company. He earns $3 a day and visits home after each six months due to travel cost. “There is only one breadwinner in our family. I am disabled, can’t walk properly due to that bullet,” said Chaman.

When asked how he passes the day, he laughed and said, “I have to do nothing. Indeed I can’t do anything, play with my grandchildren. In extreme winter of Bamyan I pass the day sitting inside my cave room, and in summer sit in front of sunrays counting the hours of the day.”

Hussnia and her brother, the tiny cave dwellers of Bamyan.

Husnia, 7, is the daughter of Chaman’s brother. She studies in grade three in a nearby primary school. She knows that her father was killed by Taliban. After coming from school in the evening, she fetches drinking water from nearby spring. In the morning, she looks after her younger brother, Esmatullah, who is three years old.

A tiny cave dweller of Bamyan.

When asked what she likes or plays, she said “We live on mountain (caves). I am always with my brother. In school I play sometimes with my class fellows. We love rope-skipping.” Husnia’s younger brother, 3 is at the initial stage of learning to speak. He can only speak some words like mother and food. Hussnia plays with him and takes him to nearby agricultural fields.

Live is difficult for these tiny dwellers of caves. In -30 degree centigrade temperature when everywhere is covered with heavy snowfall, life becomes frozen for cave dwellers.

UNESCO had launched a project to settle the cave dwellers from beneath the Buddha statues, after it was declared as World Heritage Site. Though the families living beneath the statues have been evacuated, but there are hundreds of others living in surrounding caves.

Chaman Ali said once the Governor had come promising to grant them homes, but yet they are waiting for a proper shelter.

A cave-room.

Eurasiacritic.com has published an article about Behsud Kuchi Crisis by Lenard MILICH. Here are some must-read paragraphs to save your time.

Not only severely hampered by weak government and judicial branches, a barely nascent civil society, and the Taliban insurrection, Afghanistan now also faces inter-tribal skirmishes in its formerly peaceful (and pro-government) Central Highlands, where transhumant pastoralists known by the term “Kuchi,” the vast majority of whom are ethnically Pashtun and Sunni, bring their flocks each summer for highland grazing in the homeland of the Shi’a Hazara. The great danger of these armed clashes, which have left a few score people dead on both sides, Hazara houses burned, and last year generated some 60,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), is that both sides are exhibiting an intransigence that bodes ill for the future. The Hazara have been among the most pro-government of Afghanistan’s tribes, and have willingly acceded to the drive for disarmament. They feel betrayed by government inaction, and are preparing themselves for escalating the conflict with the Kuchi as necessary this summer. That perhaps one-quarter of the capital’s residents are Hazara threatens to bring Kabul to a standstill, as occurred last summer for one day when an estimated 50,000 Hazara demonstrated in the city center.

See here our coverage of last years crisis and pictures of the mass protest in Kabul against Kuchi Invasion of Behsud. Usage of the projected-word Central Highlands for Hazarajat/Hazaristan throughout this report is offensive. All the readers are requested to send protest emails for this projected-word to the writer Lenard MILICH. His email address is available on the original source of the article.

At first sight, the Kuchi-Hazara conflict seems to be a quintessential struggle over access to ecological resources – that is, summer grazing. As with so many aspects of Afghanistan, competition over grazing is only the surface veneer. The roots of the conflict go back much further. Nor can the conflict be separated from the very real, but never acknowledged, issue of burgeoning population, coupled with a relatively slow rural-urban migration. Most of Afghanistan’s population remains rural – an estimated 80%. Were the country endowed with superior soil and water attributes, this would not necessarily be a contentious issue. But it is not – just 5.5% of the land area consists of irrigated land. As a result, sedentary farming populations subdividing irrigated plots over generations has forced the rural populace into attempting rainfed agriculture on the surrounding hill slopes whenever the residual soil water content from winter snows and spring rainfall permit, which has been infrequent over the past decade in many parts of the country. It is this agrarian expansion that impinges on the use rights of Kuchi pastoralists, fomenting conflict as crops are damaged and grazing areas reduced in size. In turn, the Kuchi believe that all descendents of the families granted grazing rights are entitled to bring their livestock to the summer grazing grounds.

This paper reports on the themes and details covered by a series of key informant interviews conducted by staff of the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit in late 2008 and early 2009 among prominent and ordinary Kuchis and Hazaras, as well as high-placed Afghan civil servants, international and national staff of UN agencies, and involved NGOs.

Background: Elements of the Conflict

Afghanistan, as is well known, has suffered through repeated cycles of violence and warfare for more than two millenia. The current Behsud conflict can be traced back to Royal policy of the late 19th century. Abdur Rahman Khan, Emir of Afghanistan between 1880 and 1901, is justifiably known by the appellation “The Iron Emir,” for he crushed, not only suppressed, any attempt to question his authority. In 1892, Abdur Rahman put an end to the Hazara insurrection, which had started in the late 1880s. To assist with the pacification of Hazarajat, Abdur Rahman dispatched Sunni clerics to the area, in an attempt to rid it of Shi’ism; he instituted burdensome taxation on the Hazaras; and his divide-and-rule policies abetted the sale of Hazara men and women into de facto slavery – a situation formally ended by a declaration of the illegality of slavery in 1923. To justify his actions, he is said to have gathered Sunni mullahs in Kandahar, after which they declared the Hazara to be kaffir, i.e., infidels. To gain political control over the fractious Hazara, the Iron Emir commenced the “Afghanization” of Hazarajat, encouraging the settling of the land and use of its pastures by Pashtu speakers, notably from the Ghilzai tribe. His local administrators issued firmans (royal decrees) that formalized access rights of Pashtun Kuchis to summer pasture land. Within these firmans, boundaries were delineated, and individual families having these access rights were listed.

Examples of firmans and two pages from Volume 3 of Seraj-al Tawarikh by Faiz Mohammad Kateb that discusses deeded Pashtun lands in Hazarajat.

The Kuchis contend that their transhumance has been occurring for 300 or more years, and that the firmans merely formalize their activities. They believe that the firmans grant the right to all descendants of the original families list to use the pastures, and claim that these pastures’ boundaries are being violated by Hazara encroachment, both for rainfed agriculture and for grazing.

While these firmans were imposed from top-down on the Hazara population, for many decades thereafter, there was little in the way of resistance to Kuchi entry to summer grazing lands. Demoralized and marginalized, the Hazara chose in the main to accept the status quo, while many focused on education and/or migration as a means to a better life. Moreover, Kuchi pastoralists were often the sole source of contact for geographically and socially isolated households in the Central Highlands, arriving each summer with goods to sell or trade, albeit often the terms of trade were unfairly skewed in their favor. The inability of the Hazara to repay Kuchi loans not infrequently resulted in additional land coming under Kuchi ownership.

It is alleged that former Finance Minister Ahadi provided grants of US$10,000 to Kuchi families in order for them to purchase the livestock necessary to resume a traditional transhumant lifestyle. Whatever the impetus, the Kuchi first returned to Behsud in 2003, then again each year thereafter, but well-armed and prepared for conflict in 2007 and 2008, with the express intent of reclaiming their perceived rights. That this return coincided with a factional divide within the Hazara’s Hezb-e Wahdat political movement, a Hazara ethno-nationalist renaissance, and a time when the central government was focused on shoring up its own support, allowed for a political game to ensue, one where the interests of both Kuchi and Hazara are being sacrificed for the personal political gain and/or because of discrete animosities of powerful individuals.

Subsequent discourses with Kuchis and their representatives, both independent and government-affiliated, show strong support for integration into Afghan society as a settled population. There seems to be little desire to continue what is, after all, a rigorous traditional transhumant lifestyle, one where it is difficult to receive health and education services. There is mention of the intent to “settle” the Kuchi in Article 14 of the Constitution, a clause that, assures one Kuchi leader, they themselves insisted upon inserting.

Concomitantly, the common themes among the Hazaras interviewed are that the firmans are illegitimate, having been issued in an era of despotism; that the Kuchi “are not the original Kuchi” – meaning that there are both non-Kuchis embedded in the incoming groups (this accusation is primarily focused on the belief that the Kuchi have been accused in the past of supporting the Taliban) as well as many non-Kuchi animals that are being collected for pasturing in Hazarajat; and that in any case, population growth among the Hazara has increased the demand on arable land, grazing, and water resources such that there is no longer the carrying capacity to supply food and water to both groups and their animals. In other words, Kuchi transhumance is perceived as adversely affecting the Hazara’s right to a decent and secure livelihood, and this is exacerbated by the view that Pashtun Kuchis (as opposed to Arab Kuchis, who pay a head tax per animal for summer pastures in Yawkawlang) act with impunity, not taking sufficient measures to prevent damage to Hazara crops by their animals. There is, it appears, a growing sentiment in Hazarajat – at least among the educated classes as well as traditional and political leaders – that Kuchi transhumance will no longer be tolerated. Conversely, many Hazara state that Kuchi landowners are welcome in Hazarajat, but many also add the proviso that they should reside there year-round.

Most Hazara informants believe that as far as Behsud is concerned, both the Afghan National Army (ANA) and the government-appointed Sabaoun Commission (tasked with investigating the conflict) are biased in favor of the Kuchis. On the other hand, several praised the work of the Afghan National Police (ANP), pointing out that not only did the police protect individuals but also in areas under their control, they maintained cultivated land and livestock left behind by IDPs.

Information provided by national staff working for the United Nations is that Hazaras now contend that the current Pashtun-dominated government has always favored the Kuchis; the government’s credibility is at rock-bottom in Hazarajat. The Hazara people have abandoned hope that the government is benevolent, and are taking steps to defend themselves. One Agency has heard of “commitments” from individual businessmen “abroad” (i.e., outside of Hazarajat) to help in this defense. Another marker of escalation is that many Hazara communities have continued to pay rent to their Kuchi landlords, and now some agitation is commencing to persuade people to stop these payments. There is an allegation that a “land tax” is being imposed to gather the financial resources to buy weapons and pay for militias. These are early signs that a conflict that breaks out in Behsud this year could rapidly spread across the Central Highlands, but not necessarily stop there, as connoted by the large Hazara demonstration in Kabul last year against the killings in Behsud.

Continue reading some solutions by the author here

Marefat High School celebrated Mother's Day on Saturday June 20.

West Kabul June 20 June–Marefat High School celebrated Mother’s Day on Saturday, June 20 in Dasht e Barchi, West Kabul. The audience of over 2000 participants included parents, teachers students and people from different walks of life.

Its worth mentioning that Marefat is one of the famous top high schools in Afghanistan currently enrolling over 3000 students with 56% boys and 44% girls. The school was attacked a month back by the supporters of Sheikh Asif Qandhari for criticizing the “Rape Law” that outraged civil society and right groups in Afghanistan and across the world.

The significant gathering to honor mothers and express gratitude to them was held in the school building marked with tributes and songs related to this day. . The program was formally started with a tribute song for mothers. It was followed by a play showing hardships of a mother in bringing up her children, particularly a mother in the war-torn Afghanistan.

The speakers including MP from Faryab, Mr. Oghli and Dean of Katib Institute of Higher Education, Dr. Amin Ahmadi talked about the importance of education and role of a mother. They said mother is the first teacher of mankind.

Besides the groups songs and tributes, audience most enjoyed the play Democracy. With background music, the play was aimed at the current election fervor in a humorous way. Precisely, the message of the play was that democracy has yet to flourish in the tribal-Afghanistan where majority population is illiterate. In a humorous way, the play highlighted the problems of democracy in Afghanistan and the current situation. Different presidential candidates, election commission and political parties were role-played.

Head of the school, Mr. Aziz Royesh concluded the session thanking the audience.

Marefat High School website

Photos: Abbas

Audience much appreciated the play, Democracy.

Singers…

A student artist performs

Dean of Katib University, Dr. Amin Ahmadi speaks.

A child singer of Marefat School.

Audience took keen interest in the play, Democracy.

The prominent candidate is loser.

Election-man says to have boxing in 2nd Round to decide the President.

First round of elections go runoff. Man with Karkuli and Chapan, next with colored-collar and wasket are runner up.

Election-man announces complaints against candidates.

Each actor resembled like any politician in the country.

Election atmosphere, people protesting.

Presidential candidate and his two VPs.

Role-play, “Democray”, Fahim joins Karzai-camp.

a play, Democracy.

Group song for Mothers.

MPs Mr. Oghli, Eng. Abbas

Mothers taking keen interest in the play, Democracy.

Female participants.

“My son shall grow, be Governor of Bamyan”, a famous folk song.

MP from Faryab, Mr. Oghli speaks.

Songs for mothers.

A Play on Mother and Education.

Mothers in the celebration.

Audience.

Prominent historian, Ustaad Kazim Yazdani also attended.

Female participants.

Large number of mothers attended.

A Play on Mother and Education.

Marefat High School celebrated Mother’s Day on Saturday June 20.

The giant Buddhas of Bamyan, representing Budhist history of Hazaras, stood for centuries.

Bamyan Series

Bamyan Series-1

Bamyan Series-2

Bamyan Series-3

The largest Buddha statues in the world known as Bamyan Buddhas once stood on the cliffs of Bamyan Valley before they were destroyed by Taliban on March 11 2001. This day is observed as Black Day by the Hazaras, who once followed Buddhism before the rise of Islam in this region. Despite international appeals, Taliban Shura led by one-eyed Mullah Omer ordered destruction of the Buddhas on 26 February 2001. When the news spread to the world, Kufi Anan, the then General Secretary of United Nations sent his special envoy in Kabul and Kandahar to persuade Taliban not to destroy the centuries old treasure. Head of UNESCO asked the Organization of Islamic Countries to pressurize Taliban. OIC members including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates—states that officially recognized the rule of Taliban—demanded for protection of Bamyan Buddhas, but all in vain. Director of the Metropolitan Museum New York asked Taliban leadership to sell the giant historic Buddhas to western museums. Large protest rallies were organized by the adherents of Buddhism in several cities of the world. But the forces of evil—Taliban—didn’t hear. On March 09 after offering Friday Prayers, they started planting bombs inside Buddha statues. Some local Hazaras were arrested, tied with bombs in their back and lowered from the top roof of the statues to plant explosive material in the holes of statues. Later all of them were killed or slaughtered. While talking to HTimes, a survivor who had taken part in plantation of explosive materials said, “those who rejected to plant bombs in the Buddhas, were shot dead at the spot. At the beginning some persons rejected, when saw their fate, we trembled and reluctantly went up to dynamite….”. He (anonymity on request) further said destroying completely after a week of explosions, Taliban slaughtered 50 cows in celebration.

Taliban deemed the giant Buddhas as non-Islamic, but the real story behind the decision was more political than religious. Taliban wanted revenge from the international community for the sanctions and not recognizing their (Taliban) Government, says Waheed Muzhda, who served in Foreign Ministry of Taliban.

Taliban were aimed at removing the history and identity of Hazara, believes majority Hazara residents of Bamyan saying the Buddhas stood there since centuries and represented the Buddhist history of Hazaras. Local people say other than Taliban, the tyrant dictator Abdul Rehman Khan—1892—also attempted to destroy the statues and damaged some parts of it.

Govt. says Buddhas of Bamyan will never be reconstructed.

Reconstruction of the Buddhas?

In 2002, after the ouster of Taliban, UNESCO talked about reconstruction of the destroyed statues. Many countries including Japan, China and Thailand offered to build it. Today, after eight years of Taliban ouster, there has been no progress in reconstruction of the ruined Buddhas. In 2002, the then Transitional Government in Kabul announced plans of reconstruction. UNESCO started working on clearing the cave-dwellers, but later the Ministry of Information and Culture opposed reconstruction plans saying it would lose the historic value and Taliban brutality will be removed. Officials say the huge fund needed for reconstruction could be used for poverty in the province. Since then the plans are pending. Two years ago, hundreds of people in Bamyan had signed a petition demanding the Government to rebuild the Buddhas. Governor Sarabi, too, supports the idea. She says, at least one of the statues be built. It will bring international tourists to improve the economy of the province. A couple of months ago the Ministry of Information and Culture in Kabul said, “Bamyan Buddhas will never be built again.”

Turkish FM called on Muhaqiq and Noorullah Saddat of Wahdat and Junbish.

Kabul June 14–Turkish Foriegn Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu is on a brief visit of Afghanistan. On Saturday June 13 2009, he called on Muhammad Muhaqiq, leader of Hizb-e-Wahdat and Noorullah Saddat, leader of Junbish-e-Milli seperately. Earlier on Friday, he had met President Karzai and his counterpart, Foriegn Minister Rangin Dadfar Spanta.

Turkish Foreign Minister assured General Dostum will soon return back to Afghanistan once his medical treatment ends in Turkey.

Wahdat-Junbish Alliance will support Karzai in the Presidential elections. The Alliance was formed a couple of months ago, when Haji Muhaqiq called on General Dostum in Turkey.

June 14–Mr. Muhaqiq of the  Wahdat-Junbish Alliance, that announced to support Karzai in the Presidential Race 2009 , on Friday in a public gathering in West Kabul highlighted some of the major points of the deal with Karzai. Though he did not discuss all, here HTimes is publishing some major points;

• Jaghoori and Behsood be Declared Provinces (two Hazara-residing districts in Ghazni and Maidan provinces). Hazaras have been demanding these districts be declared provinces since long ago. For this, the parliament needs to approve as per the Local Governance Rules, where Province or District Administration Setup is declared as per population and other criteria
• Second Vice President Be a Hazara Karzai has already selected Mr. Khalili, a Hazara, as his Vice President
• Hazara Representation Be Declared 25%  and Uzbek 15% Officially
• Five Cabinet Ministries on Wahdat’s Recommendation
• Four Cabinet Ministries on Junbish’s Recommendation
• Balanced Development, Reconstruction and Distribution of Funds to all Provinces

• The Highway from Kabul to Herat through Bamyan and Daikundi be Constructed
• Governors of some Provinces, Heads of some Districts be Appointed on Wahdat-Junbish Alliance’s Recommendation
• Kuchi Issue Be Resolved Perminently as Per the Constitution
• State Promotion of Turko-Mongol Languages and Culture

The above are some of the major points of the deal between Karzai and Wahdat-Junbish Alliance.

The Alliance will campaign for Karzai, use their media sources for Karzai’s reelection. Wahdat and Junbish MPs in parliament will support the Government.

Leader of Hizb-e-Wahdat, Mr. Muhaqiq in the previous Presidential elections of 2004 could score 11% out of total votes while Junbish leader, General Dostum could secure about 10 % of total votes. Its the Alliance will pour 20-25% of total votes in ballots for Karzai.

Addressing the gathering in West Kabul, Mr. Muhaqiq said their Alliance took the demands to all presidential candidates and finally came to an understanding with Karzai. He added, if Karzai reelected with their votes, the Alliance will keep reminding him of his committment to Hazara and Uzbek rights that have been opressed throughout centuries in this country.

Its worth mentioning, General Dostum’s reinstatement as Chief of Army Staff was the first move by Karzai after the Wahdat-Junbish Alliance announced its support to him.

General Dostum is currently in Turkey for medical treatment. Flickr Photo

Kabul 10 June--General Abdur Rashid Dostum, the renowned anti-Taliban Uzbek Turk leader has been reinstated as Chief of the Army Staff. According to sources from Presidential Palace, the decision came today Wednesday.  General Dostum was suspended by former attorney  general on the issue of Akbar Bai’s abduction. The General  is currently in Ankara, Turkey for medical treatement.

The reinstatement is likely part of the deal between Wahdat-Junbish Alliance and Karza for the Presidential race 2009. General Dostum is accused of human rights violation, but he enjoys majority support from his Uzbek and other Turko ethnic groups including Hazaras. He scored 4th position in the Presidential Elections 2004 by securing about 10 percent of the total votes. Having military training in USSR, the General has served as Defense Advisor to the interim Government. His vast experience in war against militants can be an asset in the war on terror against Taliban. Sidelining of the General by US decision-makers is not fair enough as there are many others accused of human rights violation serving on high-profiles in Karzai’s Govt. He should be given a real chance for his capabilities in military affairs of the campaign against Taliban insurgency.

Bamyan Aiport has a gravel runway. (Photo by Abbas)

Bamyan Series

Bamyan Series 1

Due to the risky security on the way from Maidan Province, and the long uncomfortable way from Shiber Pass to Bamyan, many tourists and travelers prefer traveling by air. There are no proper flights because Bamyan is yet deprived of a proper Airport. Some private flights of UN and PACTEC operate for INGOs, diplomats and journalists. The small plane containing seven passengers took us 25 minutes to land the unpaved small runway of Bamyan “Airport”. It’s better to be called Bamyan Runway. It is not only being used by private NGO planes, but also the military landings of Kewi Forces or other NATO helicopters.

The Government says it does not need to pave the Runway because the “master plan” of Bamyan contains a modern Airport. The location has been decded, but there are no funds to start construction work. Its true that the Government here could not pave the 1km road of Bamyan Bazaar, how could it construct a temporary Runway or a modern Airport. Thanks to Laura Bush, whose visit of Bamyan last year in this month (June) blessed the province with 2 kilometer road from Governor House to the Runway. Even the New Zealand Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) has not bothered to pave the less-than half kilometer Runway for Kewi Forces.

Many international tourists avoid traveling to Bamyan because of the deplorable way and nonavailability of an Airport. Govt. declared Band-e-Amir as the First National Park. How can tourists visit the world-famous group of lakes with no airport in Bamyan?

A plane of Hizb-e-Wahdat's Bamyan Air crashed on the gravel runway during Wahdat's rule in Bamyan. (Photo by Abbas)

Bamyan Runway was first made by Hizb-e-Wahdat, during its rule in Bamyan before Taliban took over the province in 1998. The Runway was dug and leveled by people voluntarily. During its rule, a plane of Hizb-e-Wahdat’s Bamyan Air bringing top leadership of Wahdat was crashed on the Runway while landing. Other than that, Bamyan Runway has long history of bloodshed. It used to be the center of military landings during Soviet invasion. Several times controlled by the people of Bamyan, many soviet choppers and tanks were destroyed on this Runway.